I would like to thank the University of Minnesota for a Grant-in-Aid of Research; the University of Minnesota, Morris, for providing both research funds and a semester research leave; and the organizers and participants of the UM Comparative Women’s History Workshop. For their insightful comments , criticisms, and questions, I am indebted to Michael Bailey, Sean Field, Tanya Stabler Miller, Kelly Morris, Jimmy Schryver, Sabine von Heusinger, and the anonymous reader. I am also grateful to Professor Robin Stacey, who first introduced me as an undergraduate to the problems and potential of “beguine” research.

1Gilbert of Tournai, Collectio de Scandalis Ecclesiae, edited by Autbertus Stroick in “Collectio de Scandalis Ecclesiae.

Nova Editio,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum, 24 (1931), 58.

2Carol Neel, “Origins of the Beguines,” Signs, 14 (1989): 321-41, at 323.

3Anke Passenier, “'Women on the Loose:’ Stereotypes of Women in the Story of the Medieval Beguines,” in Female Stereotypes in Religious Traditions, ed. by Wouter J. Hanegraaff (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 61-89.

4On the etymology of “beguine,” see J. Van Mierlo, “Béguins, beguines, béguinages,” Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, 1 (Paris: G. Beauchesne et ses Fils, 1937), 1341-52.

5 I am currently researching nomenclature and classification of lay religious women in medieval Germany.

6Quoted from the American Beguine Community website.

7Beginen Köln

8Dachverband Beginen

9A specific case study from Switzerland is in Kathrin Utz Tremp, “Zwischen Ketzerei und Krankenpflege – Die Beginen in der spätmittelalterlichen Stadt Bern,” in Fromme Frauen oder Ketzerinnen? Leben und Verfolgung der Beginen im Mittelalter, ed. Martina Wehrli-Johns and Claudia Opitz (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1998), 169-94. Christine Guidera also offers some observations about the relationship between various lay religious women and social service in her “The Role of the Beguines in Caring for the Ill, the Dying, and the Dead,” in Death and Dying in the Middle Ages, Studies in the Humanities: Literature--Politics--Society, ed. by Edelgard E. DuBruck and Barbara I. Gusick, vol. 45 (New York: Peter Lang, 1999), 51-72.

10Giles Constable, Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought: The Interpretation of Mary and Martha; The Ideal of the Imitation of Christ; The Orders of Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); David Grumett, “Action and/or Contemplation? Allegory and Liturgy in the Reception of Luke 10:38-42,” Scottish Journal of Theology, 59: 2 (2006): 125-39; Martina Wehrli-Johns, “Maria und Martha in der religiösen Frauenbewegung,” in Abendländische Mystik im Mittelalter: Symposion Kloster Engelberg 1984, ed. Kurt Ruh (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1986).

11For a general discussion of medieval women’s social and legal status, see Shulamith Shahar, The Fourth Estate: A History of Women in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1983).

12On single women, gender and social space in the medieval world, see Ruth Karras, “Sex and the Singlewoman” in Singlewomen in the European Past, 1250-1800, ed. Judith Bennett and Amy Froide (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 128-45; Barbara Hanawalt, “At the Margins of Women’s Space in Medieval Europe,” in Matrons and Marginal Women, Robert Edwards and Vickie Ziegler, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1995), 1-18; and Peter Dinzelbacher, “Religiöse Frauenbewegung und städtisches Leben im Mittelalter,” in Frauen in der Stadt, Günther Hödl, Fritz Mayrhofer and Ferdinand Opll, eds. (Linz: Österreichischer Arbeitskreis für Stadtgeschichtsforschung, 2003), 229-64.

13In the allegorical poem The Romance of the Rose, for example, the character of Constrained Abstinence is presented as a beguine, a “dirty bitch . . . pale and stained with hypocrisy” engaged in an unseemly relationship with her confessor. The Romance of the Rose by Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun, ed. Charles Dahlberg, 3rd edition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 210. On the medieval and modern stereotyping of beguines, see Passenier, “Women on the Loose.”

14On the Vienne decrees Cum de quibusdam and Ad nostrum (1317) see Elizabeth Makowski, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman": Quasi-religious Women and Canon Lawyers in the later Middle Ages (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1995). Makowski draws particular attention to the decree Ratio recta (1318) issued by John XXII in an attempt to clarify Cum de quibusdam and to protect orthodox beguines from persecution. See also Jacqueline Tarrant, “The Clementine Decrees on the Beguines: Conciliar and Papal Versions,” Archivum historiae pontificae, 12 (1974): 300-308.

15On beguine persecution, see Richard Kieckhefer, The Repression of Heresy in Medieval Germany (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978), 19-51; Malcolm Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, 2nd edition (Oxford: Blackwell Press, 2002), 194-207; Robert E. Lerner, The Heresy of the Free Spirit in the Later Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 61-84; Alexander Patschovsky, “Straßburger Beginenverfolgungen im 14. Jahrhundert,” Deutsches Archiv zur Erforschung des Mittelalters, 30 (1974): 56-198.

16However, the extent and impact of persecution in the wake of the Vienne decrees should not be overestimated. Already by 1335, for example, the statutes of the “Gotteshaus zum Wolf” in Straßburg, and houses in Aachen in 1350 and Hamburg in 1360, once again refer explicitly to the female residents as “beginen.” Urkundenbuch der Stadt Strassburg, ed. Hans Witte, Bd. VII (Straßburg: Trübner, 1900), No.83; edited in Frank-Michael Reichstein, Das Beginenwesen in Deutschland: Studien und Kataloge (Berlin: Verlag Dr. Köster, 2001), 391-92; Rolf Hackstein, Der Aachener Beginenhof St. Stephan im Mittelalter (Aachen: Shaker, 1997), 28ff; Nicolaus Staphorst, Historia Ecclesiæ Hamburgensis Diplomatica, das ist: Hamburgische Kirchen-Geschichte (Hamburg: Theodor Christoph Felginers Wittwe, 1723-1731), 640-44 (edited in Reichstein, 393-394). In Würzburg, which experienced no wave of beguine persecution, the statutes for lay religious female houses founded between 1320 and 1360 simply term the women mulierculae or frauen; contemporaries were soon thereafter calling them beguines again. See, for example, the 1366 statute for the Wilberghaus (instrumentum super domum Biginarum quae dicitur Wilburghusen) edited in Meinrad Sehi, “Im Dienst an der Gemeinde:” 750 Jahre Franziskaner-Minoriten in Würzburg, 1221-1971 (Würzburg: Provinzialrat und Konvent der Franziskaner-Minoriten, 1972), 246-49.

17Johann Lorenz Mosheim, De Beghardis et Beguinabus Commentarius (Leipzig, 1790).

18Mosheim, 101.

19Karl Bücher, Die Frauenfrage im Mittelalter, 2nd ed. (Tübingen: H. Laupp, 1910)

20Joseph Greven, Die Anfänge der Beginen: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Volksfrömmigkeit und des Ordenwesens im Hochmittelalter (Münster i. Westfalen: Aschendorff, 1912). See also his “Der Ursprung des Beginenwesens,” Historisches Jahrbuch, 35 (1914): 26-58, 291-318.

21Herbert Grundmann, Religious Movements in the Middle Ages: The Historical Links between Heresy, the Mendicant Orders, and the Women’s Religious Movement in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Century, with the Historical Foundations of German Mysticism, trans. Steven Rowan (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), especially 75-88.

22Grundmann, Religious Movements, 1. Brigitte Degler-Spengler modified Greven’s and Grundmann’s religiosity thesis in 1984, instead explaining the beguine phenomenon in both spiritual and socio-economic terms. Degler-Spengler, “Die religiöse Frauenbewegung des Mittelalters. Konversen – Nonnen – Beginen,” Rottenburger Jahrbuch für Kirchengeschichte, 3 (1984): 75-88.

23Critiquing Greven and Grundmann’s assertion that beguines were women who could not find a place in nunneries, Freed argued that “it was more than a lack of space in a nunnery which made women become beguines rather than nuns.” However, this observation has not been sufficiently acknowledged or incorporated into current scholarship. Freed, “Urban Development and the Cura Monialium in Thirteenth-Century Germany,” Viator 3 (1972): 311-327, at 324.

24For a useful reconsideration of beguine origins and their relationship to other forms of female piety, see Joanna Ziegler’s “Secular Canonesses as Antecedent of the Beguines in the Southern Low Countries: An Introduction to Some Older Views,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, n.s. 13 (1991): 114-35. See also Makowski’s exploration of the relationship between secular canonesses and beguines within the framework of canon law, “Attendentes and Secular Canonesses,” in A Pernicious Sort of Woman, 3-22.

25Dayton Phillips, Beguines in Medieval Strasbourg: A Study of the Social Aspect of Beguine Life (Stanford: University of Stanford Press, 1941).

26Ernest McDonnell, The Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture, with Special Emphasis on the Belgian Scene (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1954).

27Neel, “Origins."

28Among the scholarly English-language articles and book chapters to focus specifically on the beguines are the following: Jennifer Ward, “Religious Life: Beguines, Penitents and Recluses,” in Women in Medieval Europe 1200–1500 (London: Longman, 2002); Fiona Bowie’s introduction to Beguine Spirituality: Mystical Writings of Mechthild of Magdeburg, Beatrice of Nazareth, and Hadewijch of Brabant (New York: Crossroad, 1990), 1-43; Dennis Devlin, “Feminine Lay Piety in the High Middle Ages: The Beguines”, in Medieval Religious Women. Vol. 1, Distant Echoes, ed. John A. Nichols and Lillian Thomas Shank (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1984), 184-85; Dyan Elliott, “The Beguines:” A Sponsored Emergence,” in Proving Woman: Female Spirituality and Inquisitional Culture in the later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 47-85; Penelope Galloway, “’Discreet and Devout Maidens’: Women’s Involvement in Beguine Communities in Northern France, 1200–1500,” in Medieval Women in their Communities, ed. Diane Watt (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997); Grundmann, “The Beguines in the Thirteenth Century,” Religious Movements, 139-52; Guidera, “Role of the beguines”; Kieckhefer, “The war against Beghards and Beguines,” in Repression of Heresy, 19-51; Lerner, “Beghards and Beguines” in Heresy of the Free Spirit, 35-60; Ephraim Mizruchi, “Beguines: Ambivalence and Heresy,” in Regulating Society: Beguines, Bohemians and other Marginals (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 48-65; Neel, “Origins;” Passenier, “Women on the Loose;” Joyce Pennings, “Semi-religious women in 15th Century Rome,” Mededelingen van het Nederlands Historisch Instituut te Rome 47/NS, 12 (1987): 115-45; Walter Simons, “The Beguine Movement in the Southern Low Countries: A Reassessment,” Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome, LIX (1989): 63-105; and “Beguines and Psalters,” Ons Geestelijk Erf 65 (1991): 23-30; Tanya Stabler Miller, “What’s in a Name? Clerical Representations of Parisian beguines (1200 – 1328),” Journal of Medieval History 33: 1 (2007): 60-86; Ulrike Wiethaus, “Reality as Imitation: The Role of Religious Imagery among the Beguines of the Low Countries,” in Maps of Flesh and Light: The Religious Experience of Medieval Women Mystics, ed. Ulrike Wiethaus (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1993); Ziegler, “Secular Canonesses” and “The Curtis Beguinage in the Southern Low Countries and Art Patronage: Interpretation and Historiography,” Bulletin de l’Institut historique belge de Rome / Bulletin van het Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 57 (1987): 31-70.

29Juliette Dor, Lesley Johnson, and Jocelyn Wogan-Browne (eds.), New Trends in Feminine Spirituality: The Holy Women of Liège and their Impact (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999).

30Simons, Cities of Ladies.

31Ibid., especially 61-117.

32Ibid., especially 61-90.

33L. J. M. Philippen, De Begijnhoven, Oorsprong, Geschiedenis, Inrichting (Antwerp: Veritas, 1918); Alcantara Mens, Oorsprong en Betekenis van de Nederlandse Begijnenen Begardenbeweging: Vergelijkende Studie: XIIde-XIIIde eeuw (Antwerp: Uitgeversmij. N.V. Standaard-Boekhandel, 1947); Florence Koorn, Begijnhoven in Holland en Zeeland gedurende de middeleeuwen (Assen: Von Gorcum, 1981). For a thorough secondary bibliography pertaining to the Low Countries, see Simons, Cities of Ladies, 234-251.

34Philippen, Begijnhoven, 40-57. For a condensed discussion, see McDonnell, Beguines and Beghards, 5-6.

35Philippen, Begijnhoven, 58-68.


37In 1216, Jacques de Vitry persuaded Pope Honorius III to provide verbal approval of the beguines or “pious women, not only in the diocese of Liège, but also in France and Germany, to live in communal houses and encourage each other to do good by mutual exhortation.” While this nod to northern “beguines” was certainly limited in scope, it is remarkable for following so closely on the heels of Innocent III’s prohibition of new orders at Fourth Lateran only one year prior. On papal positions toward beguines in the thirteenth century, see McDonnell, 156-64; Makowski , Canon Law; on canonical developments through the fourteenth century, see Makowski, A Pernicious Sort of Woman.

38Philippen, Begijnhoven, 89-126.

39Simons, Cities of Ladies, 169 n.7.


41Simons first made the point in his “The Beguine Movement in the Southern Low Countries: A Reassessment,” Bulletin de l’institut historique belge de Rome / Bulletin van het Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 59 (1989): 63-105, at 85-7. See also Ziegler, “The Curtis Beguinage,” 40-41.

42Among those adopting Philippen’s model as popularized by McDonnell, Beguines and Beghards, 5-6, are: Fiona Bowie, Introduction to Beguine Spirituality; Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1978), 130; Devlin, 184-85; Elizabeth Dutton and Paul Mommaers, Hadewijch: Writer, Beguine, Love Mystic (Louvain: Peeters, 2004); Elizabeth Petroff, Medieval Women’s Visionary Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 171-73.

43The Life of Mary of Oignies by Jacques de Vitry, trans. Margot H. King (Saskatoon: Peregrina, 1986), 46-47.

44Bullarium Franciscanum, ed. Giovanni Giacinto Sbaraglia (Santa Maria degli Angeli: Edizioni Porziuncola 1983), I, 108, no. 108. See also McDonnell, Beguines and Beghards, 157-64.

45The Life of Mary of Oignies, 3.

46Jacques de Vitry, “Second Sermon to Virgins,” Die Exempla aus den Sermones feriales et communes, ed. J. Greven (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1914), 32-54. Here, 46.

47Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); Bernard McGinn, Meister Eckhart and the Beguine Mystics: Hadewijch of Brabant, Mechtild of Magdeburg, and Marguerite Porete (New York: Continuum, 1994); Amy Hollywood, The Soul as Virgin Wife: Mechtild of Magdeburg, Marguerite Porete, and Meister Eckhart (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1996); Sara Poor, Mechtild of Magdeburg and her Book: Gender and the Making of Textual Authority (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004); Beguine Spirituality, ed. Bowie; Marguerite Porete: The Mirror of Simple Souls, The Classics of Western Spirituality, trans. Ellen L. Babinsky (New York: Paulist Press, 1993); Barbara Newman, From Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995); Petroff, Visionary Literature; and Ulrike Wiethaus, Agnes Blannbekin, Viennese Beguine: Life and Revelations (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2002).

48Marguerite not only refers to herself as a beguine but was also designated as such by the canon lawyers who considered her case in May, 1310. Sean Field is currently investigating Marguerite’s categorization as ‘beguine,’ and Robert Lerner has discovered important new material relevant to her career (publication forthcoming).

49The classic treatment of Marguerite and contemporary concerns about beguine involvement with the “free spirit” heresy is Robert Lerner’s The Heresy of the Free Spirit in the Later Middle Ages. Particularly interesting for the study of beguines and heresy is Michael Bailey’s recent argument that the central issue driving beguine persecution in the 14th and 15th centuries was not mystical or antinomian heresy, but rather poverty and the gendered implications of the vita apostolica for lay women. Michael Bailey, “Religious Poverty, Mendicancy, and Reform in the late Middle Ages,” Church History 72:3 (2003): 457-83.

50For a cursory overview of the beguines of the French kingdom, see Babinsky, “Introduction,” The Mirror of Simple Souls, 13-20.

51Leon Le Grand, Les beguines de Paris (Paris: Société de l’histoire de Paris, 1893); Gaston Robert, Les béguines de Reims et la maison de Sainte-Agnès (Reims: Monce, 1923); Roland Fiétier, La Cité de Besançon de la fin du XIIIe au Milieu du XIVe Siècle, t.3 (Lille: H. Champion, 1978), 1340-56.

52Bernard Delmaire, “Les Béguins dans le Nord de la France au Premier Siècle de leur Histoire (vers 1230 vers 1350),” in Les Religieuses en France au XIIIe Siècle, ed. Michel Parisse (Nancy: Presse Universitaires de Nancy, 1985), 121-62.

53Galloway, “’Discreet and Devout Maidens.’”

54Tanya Stabler Miller, “Clerical Representations.” See also her Ph.D. dissertation “‘Now she is Martha, Now she is Mary: The Beguines of Medieval Paris” (University of Santa Barbara, 2007). On preaching and the beguines of Paris, Nicole Bériou, “Le Prédication au Béguinage de Paris pendant l’année Liturgique 1272-73,” Recherches Augustiniennes, 13 (1978): 105-229.

55Philippine de Porcellet, The Life of St. Douceline, A Beguine of Provence, ed. Kathleen Garay and Madeleine Jeay (Woodbridge: D.S. Brewer, 2001); and Claude Carozzi, “Une Beguine Joachimite: Douceline, Soeur d’Hugues de Digne,” Cahiers de Fanjeaux 10 (1975): 169-201. On orthodox female lay religiosity, see Kelly Morris’s forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation “Sheep in Wolves' Clothing: Orthodox Beguines in Medieval Provence, 13th - 15th Centuries” (University of Minnesota).

56David Burr, The Spiritual Franciscans: From Protest to Persecution in the century after Francis (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001).

57Lambert, Medieval Heresy, 422. Courtney Kneupper examines the problem of the beguin/beguine model in “Reconsidering a Fourteenth-Century Heresy Trial in Metz: Beguins and Others,” Franciscana 8 (2006): 187-227.

58Burr, Spiritual Franciscans, 74.

59On the heresy of southern beguines, see Louisa Burnham, So Great a Light, So Great a Smoke: The Beguin Heretics of Languedoc (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008); “Les Franciscans Spirituals et les Béguins du Midi,” in: J. Berlioz (ed.), Le Pays Cathare (Paris: Seuil, 2000), 147-63; “The Visionary Authority of Na Prous Boneta,” in Pierre de Jean Olivi (1248-1298): Pensée Scolastique, Dissidence Spirituelle et Société, ed. Alain Boureau and Sylvain Piron (Paris: J. Vrin, 1999), 309-18. The classic study is Raoul Manselli, Spirituali e Beghini in Provenza (Rome: Nella sede dell'Istituto, 1959), and Spirituels et Béguins du Midi, trans. J. Duvernoy (Toulouse: Éditions Privat, 1989). On repression and inquisition in the south, see James Given, Inquisition and Medieval Society: Power, Discipline, & Resistance in Languedoc (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); see also Given, “The Béguins in Bernard Gui’s Liber sententiarum,” in Texts and the Repression of Heresy, ed. Catherina Bruschi and Peter Biller (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2003), 147-61.

60Katherine Kerby-Fulton briefly considers the historiographical problem of the term “beguine” and its relationship to heresy in Books under Suspicion: Censorship and Tolerance of Revelatory Writing in Late Medieval England (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006), 404-6.

61Romana Guarnieri, “Beghinismo d’oltralpe e bizzochismo italiano tra il secolo XIV e il secolo XV,” Analecta Tertii Ordinis Regularis sancti Francisci, 17 (1984), 1-13. Reprinted in English (trans. Roberta Agnes McKelvie, O.S.F) in “Beguines beyond the Alps and Italian bizzoche between the 14th and 15th centuries,” Greyfriars Review 5: 1 (1991): 91-104. Martina Wehrli-Johns also notes the connections in her introductory essay in Fromme Frauen, 16-25.

62Pennings, “Semi-Religious Women.” For sixteenth-century Italian notions of female religiosity outside the convent, see Querciolo Mazzonis, “A Female Idea of Religious Perfection: Angela Merici and the Company of St. Ursula (1535 – 1540),” Renaissance Studies 18: 3 (2004): 391-411.

63Katherine Gill, “Open Monasteries for Women in Late Medieval and Early Modern Italy: Two Roman Examples,” in The Crannied Wall: Women, Religion, and the Arts in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992), 15-47; “’Scandala’: Controversies Concerning Clausura and Women’s Religious Communities in Late Medieval Italy,” in Christendom and its Discontents: Seclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, 1000-1500, eds. Scott Waugh and Peter Diehl (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). See also her doctoral dissertation, “Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate: Varieties of Women’s Religious Communities in Central Italy, c.1300 – 1525 (Princeton University, 1994).

64Mario Sensi, Storie di bizzoche tra Umbria e Marche (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1995).

65Women and Religion in Medieval and Renaissance Italy edited by Daniel Bornstein and Roberto Rusconi (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). Of the individual essays, particularly relevant to the topic at hand are Antonio Rigon, “A Community of Female Penitents in Thirteenth-Century Padua” (28-38); Mario Sensi, “Anchoresses and Penitents in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century Umbria” (56-83); and Anna Benvenuti Papi, “Mendicant Friars and Female Pinzochere in Tuscany: From Social Marginality to Models of Sanctity” (84-103).

66Bornstein, “Women and Religion in Late Medieval Italy: History and Historiography,” in Women and Religion, 1-27.

67Female religiosity in Spain (including that of lay beatas) has been the subject of several monographs in recent years, such as Gillian T.W. Ahlgren, The Inquisition of Francisca: A Sixteenth-century Visionary on Trial (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005); Elizabeth Lehfeldt, Religious Women in Golden Age Spain: The Permeable Cloister (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005); and Mary Elizabeth Perry, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990). Relevant articles include Sharon Faye Koren, “A Christian Means to a Conversa End,” A Journal of Jewish Women’s Studies & Gender Issues, 9 (2005): 27-61; and Alison Weber, “Between Ecstasy and Exorcism: Religious Negotiation in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” Journal of Medieval & Renaissance Studies 23: 2 (1993): 221-35.

68Sebastián de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana (Madrid, 1611) as cited in Richard Kagan, Lucrecia’s Dreams: Politics and Prophecy in 16th-century Spain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 182, n.26.

69Jacqueline Holler, “Escogidas plantas:” Nuns and Beatas in Mexico City, 1531 – 1601 (New York: Columbia University Press/E-Gutenberg, 2005), 44.

70Holler, “Escogidas plantas”, 44.

71The most thorough primary and secondary source bibliography to date on German beguines is in Reichstein, Beginenwesen, 429-63.

72Johannes Asen, Die Beginen in Köln (Düsseldorf, 1927/28); Letha Böhringer, “Kölner Beginen im Spämittelalter – Leben zwischen Kloster und Welt,” Geschichte In Köln 53 (2006): 7-34.

73Brigitte Degler-Spengler, “Die Beginen in Basel,” Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertumskund 69 (1969): 5-83.

74Martina Spies, Beginengemeinschaften in Frankfurt am Main: zur Frage der genossenschaftlichen Selbstorganisation von Frauen im Mittelalter (Dortmund: Edition Ebersbach, 1998).

75Brigitte Hotz, Beginen und willige Arme im spätmittelalterlichen Hildesheim (Hildesheim: Bernward, 1998).

76Sigrid Schmitt, Geistliche Frauen und städtische Welt. Kanonissen - Nonnen - Beginen und ihre Umwelt am Beispiel der Stadt Straßburg im Spätmittelalter (1250-1525), Habil. masch., Mainz 2001. See also her forthcoming article “Verfolgung, Schutz und Vereinnahmung. Die Straßburger Beginen im 14.Jahrhundert,” Rottenburger Jahrbuch für Kirchengeschichte (2008).

77Alexander Patschovsky, “Straßburger Beginenverfolgungen”; see also his “Beginen, Begarden und Terziaren im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert. Das Beispiel des Basler Beginenstreits (1400/4-1411),” in Festschrift für Eduard Hlawitschka zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. K.R. Schnith, R. Pauler (Münchener Historische Studien, Abt. Mittelalterliche Geschichte 5, Kallmünz 1993): 403-18. Sabine von Heusinger, “Beginen am Mittel- und Oberrhein zu Beginn des 15. Jahrhunderts,” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins, Bd. 148 (2000): 67-96, and Johannes Mulberg, OP (gest. 1414): ein Leben in Spannungsfeld von Dominikanerobservanz und Beginenstreit (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2000).

78Eva Gertrud Neumann, Rheinisches Beginen- und Begardenwesen: ein Mainzer Beitrag zur religiösen Bewegung am Rhein (Meisenheim am Glan: A. Hain, 1960). See also Jean-Claude Schmitt, Mort d’une Hérésie. L’Église et les Clercs face aux Béguines et aux Béghards du Rhin supérieur du XIVe aux XV e Siècle (Civilisations et Sociétés 56, Paris 1978).

79Günter Peters, “Norddeutsches Beginen und Begardenwesen im Mittelalter,” Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 41/42 (1969-1970): 50-118.

80Brigitte Degler-Spengler, “Die Beginen im Rahmen der religiösen Frauenbewegung des 13. Jahrhunderts in der Schweiz,” in Die Beginen und die Begarden in der Schweiz (Zurich, 1995), 31-91.

81Ernst Manfred Wermter, “Die Beginen im mittelalterlichen Pressenlande,” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ermlands 33 (1969): 41-65.

82Andreas Wilts, Beginen im Bodenseeraum (Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1994), 21 n.29. There are also several relevant collections of regional essays such as Zahlreiche wie die Sterne des Himmels: Beginen am Niederrhein zwischen Mythos und Wirklichkeit, ed. Johannes Asen (Bergisch-Gladbach: Thomas-Morus-Akademie Bensberg, 1992). For Switzerland, see Die Beginen und Begarden in der Schweiz, ed. Cécile Sommer-Ramer (Basel: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1995).

83Wilts, Beginen im Bodenseeraum, 239-67.

84Ibid., 35-79, 268-274.

85Ibid., especially 234-239.

86Reichstein, Das Beginenwesen.

87Routinely cited by opponents of the emancipation thesis are Rebekka Habermas, “Die Beginen – eine ‘andere’ Konzeption von Weiblichkeit?” in Die ungeschriebene Geschichte. Historische Frauenforschung. Dokumentation des 5 Historikerinnentreffens in Wien, 16.-19 April, ed. Beatrix Bechtel (Wien: Wiener Frauenverlag, 1986), 199-207; and Ute Weinmann, Mittelalterliche Frauenbewegungen. Ihre Beziehunger zur Orthodoxie und Häresie (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus, 1990), especially 145-261. Both Reichstein and Wilts also somewhat unfairly draw material from an unpublished master’s thesis by Claudia Opitz, “Die Anfänge der Beginenbewegung am Mittel-Oberrhein (1250-1350)” (Konstanz, 1979), a text which has its rhetorical uses for their arguments, but which would otherwise be unlikely to garner scholarly attention (Wilts, Beginen in Bodenseeraum, 19; Reichstein, Das Beginenwesen, 26).

88Gracia Clark, “The Beguines: A Medieval Women’s Community,” in Building Feminist Theory: Essays from Quest (New York: Longman, 1981).

89Wilts, Beginen im Bodenseeraum, 81, n.242.

90For example, a beguine house statute from Worms (1288) refer to the women as “poor sisters or beguines;” another in Schönthal (1365) as “beguines” and “sisters;” Lübeck (1438), “virgin,” “beguine” and “woman;” and in Munich (1543), the women are termed “Seelschwestern” or “spiritual sisters.” Statutes edited in Reichstein, Das Beginenwesen, 383-413.

91Makowski, A Pernicious Sort of Woman, 29. See also her Canon Law and Cloistered Women: Periculoso and its Commentators, 1298–1545 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1997).

92For example, Tanya Stabler Miller has revealed how elite Parisian clergy used ines as an instructive model, “Clerical Representations.” Also in the French context, Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski has analyzed satirical representations of beguines in polemical discourse: “Satirical Views of the Beguines in Northern French Literature,” in New Trends in Feminine Spirituality. In an intriguing example of later deployments of such models, Katherine Gill has pointed out how Calvinist reformers used images of Italian beguines (pinzochere) to represent the depravity of Roman Catholicism, literally mapping them onto the Catholic landscape. Gill, “Open Monasteries.”

93Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 176.

94Constance Hoffman Berman, The Cistercian Evolution: The Invention of a Religious Order in Twelfth-Century Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000).

95Elizabeth Freeman offers a thoughtful reflection on Berman’s arguments in “What Makes a Monastic Order? Issues of Methodology in The Cistercian Evolution, Cistercian Studies Quarterly, 37.4 (2002), 429-42.

96Freeman, “’Houses of a Peculiar Order’: Cistercian Nunneries in Medieval England, with Special Attention to the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,” Cîteaux: Commentarii Cistercienses 55: 3-4 (2004): 245-87. See also her “Cistercian Nuns in Medieval England: Unofficial Meets Official,” Elite and Popular Religion, Studies in Church History 42 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2006), 110-19.

97I am currently compiling and analyzing house rules and statutes of German beguine houses between the 13th and 16th centuries.

98Maiju Lehmijoki-Gardner, “Writing Religious Rules as an Interactive Process: Dominican Penitent Women and the Making of their Regula,” Speculum 79 (2004): 660-87. On the cultural context and connections of such lay religious women in Italy, see her Worldly Saints: Social Interaction of Dominican Penitent Women in Italy, 1200–1500 (Helsinki: Suomen Historiallinen Seura, 1999).

99Gill, “Open monasteries” and “Scandala.”

100Sean L. Field, Isabelle of France: Capetian Sanctity and Franciscan Identity in the Thirteenth Century (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006).

101See, for example, Joan Mueller’s recent (though not entirely unproblematic) study of Clare of Assisi’s struggle for papal approval of a strict Franciscan rule for women. Joan Mueller, The Privilege of Poverty: Clare of Assisi, Agnes of Prague, and the Struggle for a Franciscan Rule for Women (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006).

102Fiona J. Griffiths, “’Men’s Duty to Provide for Women’s Needs’: Abelard, Heloise, and their Negotiation of the Cura Monialium,” Journal of Medieval History 30 (2004): 1-24.

103See Julie Hotchin, “Female religious life and the cura monialium in Hirsau monasticism, c.1080-1150,” in Listen Daughter: the Speculum Virginum and the Formation of Religious Women in the Middle Ages (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 68-97. In the context of hagiographical life writings, Jodi Bilinkoff has also posed similar questions in her study of the complex relationships between female penitents and male confessors, transcending the temporal divide between medieval and early modern, as well as spanning geographical boundaries to consider not only continental Europe, but Spanish America and French Canada. Bilinkoff, Related Lives: Confessors and their Female Penitents, 1450-1750 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005).

104For one recent approach to these questions, see Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, “Geistliche Schwestern: The Pastoral Care of Lay Religious Women in Medieval Würzburg,” in ‘Brothers and Sisters in Christ’: Men, Women, and the Religious Life in Germany, 1100–1500 (Brepols, forthcoming 2009).

105Bruce Venarde, Women’s Monasticism and Medieval Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), esp. 44-47.

106Anne Winston-Allen, Convent Chronicles: Women Writing about Women and Reform in the late Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), especially 67-76.

107Ibid., especially the chapters “Women of the reform” (97-128) and “Opponents of the Reform and Enclosure” (129-167). Winston-Allen directly tackles the problem of beguine terminology by consistently referring to them as “’beguines’ (religious laywomen).”

108Bailey, “Religious poverty.”

109I would like to thank Kelly Morris for informing me of the southern French emphasis on “the bereaved mother Mary.”

110Lehmijoki-Gardner, Worldly Saints, 97.

111Craig Harline, “Actives and Contemplatives: The Female Religious of the Low Countries before and after Trent,” The Catholic Historical Review 81: 4 (1995): 541-67.

112See Sally Brasher, Women of the Humiliati: A Lay Religious Order in Medieval Civic Life (New York: Routledge, 2003).

113Gerhard Rehm, Die Schwestern vom gemeinsamen Leben im nordwestlichen Deutschland. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Devotio Moderna und des weiblichen Religiösentums (Berliner historische Studien 11, Ordensstudien V, Berlin 1985). See John Van Engen’s forthcoming study Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life: The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008); also Devotio Moderna: Basic Writings (New York: Paulist Press, 1988); and Koorn, “Women Without Vows”.

114Grundmann, Religious Movements, 242.